Holy Roman Empire

Franz’s decision signaled the end of the honeymoon period between the United Kingdom and Austria, and in the coming years, conflicts between the two nations were bound to increase.

The world is large, large enough to sustain billions of people; yet it is also small, too small to accommodate two hegemons.

If the whole world cannot accommodate them, how could the European Continent?

With Austria’s resurgence, clashing with the British over interests was just a matter of time. Even without the Prusso-Russian war, they would have found themselves on opposing sides elsewhere.

If the Suez Canal had not been opened yet, Franz would still have been wary of the British. Now, the situation had changed, as the Austrian Navy could directly enter the Arabian Sea, with colonies along the way to rely on.

If the United Kingdom and Austria really turned against each other, Austria could certainly adopt a mutually destructive tactic. They could drive the British out of the African Continent, and even extend the flames of war to the Indian Ocean.

The significance of India to Britannia could be seen in its productivity; it was almost on par with The British Isles.

Undoubtedly, this parity was only in terms of economic output—a contrast between agriculture and industry, completely incomparable.

"The brightest jewel in the British Empire’s crown" was beyond Austria’s grasp, but the Austrians certainly had the ability to overturn the chessboard.

Of course, "overturning the chessboard" was only the last resort. If it really happened, Austria too would be in a deeply miserable state.

The possibility of colonizing America was out of the question, and even the colonies in the Southeast Asia region might not be safe. Losing most of the overseas market, it would take decades to recover.

That was the optimistic view. If the British lost their senses and the Royal Navy’s main force came out with all guns blazing, pursuing the Austrian Navy for a severe beating, Franz would have reason to weep.

Rationally, the chances of such an event were very low. The British were worried that the French might sneak attack their homeland; Austria likewise dreaded that the French would pull the rug from under their feet, severing the connection between the homeland and Austro-Africa.

Austria’s strength was built on the premise of its homeland and colonies being united. If that connection were severed, it wouldn’t fare much better than the German Empire did when it was blockaded in the original timeline.

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Chief of Staff Albrecht proposed, "Gentlemen, given the current complex situation, it is necessary for us to expand our navy.

If the British suffer losses in the Prusso-Russian war, the London Government will definitely want to make up for it elsewhere. Future international conflicts are bound to intensify, greatly increasing the pressure on the navy.

The French are also a cause for concern. Ever since Napoleon IV ascended to the throne, the Paris Government’s involvement in international affairs has dropped a notch.

In previous years, the internal strife within the Paris Government could have been the reason for the lack of attention to international affairs. Now that Napoleon IV has taken control and stabilized the situation there, it would be abnormal for them not to make a move."

It’s really not easy to get used to days without the French. Originally, the French drew attention by standing in the forefront, with the "Mediterranean Empire" intimidating the European Continent, while Austria’s edge was somewhat concealed.

With the silence of the Paris Government, Austria had no choice but to step forward and compete with the British, whether in South America’s "Guano Wars" or Europe’s Prusso-Russian war—France only played a minor role.

In this era where might makes right, there is nothing that cannot be resolved by force. When pressure mounts, expand the military; once the strength is sufficient, the problem is solved.

Finance Minister Carl objected, "No, at least not before the tripartite alliance expires, we must maintain a spirit of agreement."

"A spirit of agreement" is a joke. It’s likely none of the countries in the tripartite alliance between England, France, and Austria took it seriously—it’s merely comforting themselves.

It is precisely because it doesn’t exist that it’s so precious and why everyone places so much significance on it, frequently mentioning it.

The lack of breaches is not because of "a spirit of agreement," but because it’s not worth breaching. As long as the common interests of the three countries outweigh the conflicts, there’s no breaking of the alliance.

The "tripartite alliance" between England, France, and Austria had been renewed once, and given the current situation, it would be difficult to re-form it a third time.

However, it’s difficult to say for sure, as international circumstances are ever-changing, and no one knows what the future holds. Hastily tearing up the alliance would be unwise as it would narrow diplomatic avenues further.

Franz nodded, "The alliance still has half a year before it expires. If we are going to renew it, we will revise the naval proportion among the three countries then.

Expanding the navy is only a matter of time, but there’s no need to rush it. Let the naval department make plans first, and we’ll tentatively include it in the budget for the year after next."

Military expansion is never simple, especially when it comes to expanding the navy, which requires comprehensive consideration of many factors.

Unless it’s an arms race period, during normal times, naval expansion usually takes several years of discussion. It’s not about government efficiency, but waiting for the budget.

Each year, the government’s financial budget is predetermined. How can you suddenly say you want to expand the military? Where would the money come from? It’s not a wartime, so of course, the proper procedures must be followed.

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If London knew that a mere probe would accelerate Austria’s military expansion and trigger the subsequent arms race, it’s likely the London Government would have refrained from taking such action.

As for the future, Prime Minister Benjamin need not worry just yet. But the current Prusso-Russian war was already causing him quite the headache.

"How can the Prusso-Polish Federation win this war?" That was a major conundrum. Land warfare was different from naval engagements, and the London Government, even if they wanted to help, had no way to intervene.

The size of the British Army was not even as large as the casualties suffered in one month of the Prusso-Russian war.

Sending troops was out of the question, and the London Government once again realized: without direct military influence, it was too difficult to interfere on the European Continent.

Foreign Minister Edward: "Prime Minister, the Prusso-Polish Federation currently lacks neither supplies nor troops, and the situation is far from as bad as we have imagined.

At least within this year, the Prusso-Polish Federation will not be defeated. Winter is coming soon, and the war efforts will inevitably slow down.

This is our opportunity, and planning the Second Anti-Russian Alliance has become imperative. Austria is supporting the Russians, and it will be very difficult for the Prusso-Polish Federation to win this war with their strength alone."

Prime Minister Benjamin asked in bewilderment: "Isn’t the Foreign Office already working on this?"

Edward explained: "The French are causing trouble in Annan, and the southern border of the Far Eastern Empire is unstable; they simply have no capacity to contain the Russians.

Although the Ottoman Empire is eager to take revenge on the Russians, they are wary of Austria’s reaction and need our security guarantees, which also requires France’s involvement.

The Foreign Office has only persuaded the three Central Asian countries, but their strength is limited. Seeing the Prusso-Polish Federation at a disadvantage on the battlefield, they dare not bet on it too early.

We have already approached the Paris Government, but convincing them is very difficult. Now, the best solution is to find an ally for the Prusso-Polish Federation in Europe."

Prime Minister Benjamin asked with some surprise: "Are you suggesting the German Federation Empire?"

He then denied it: "No. The strength of the German people is indeed good, but there are too many sub-states inside, and Hanover can only barely control the situation.

If we let them go to war with the Russians for the sake of the Prusso-Polish Federation, wouldn’t the bunch of petty sub-states within cause an uproar?

You should know what role Austria is playing in this. We can’t afford to have the German Federation dissolving into chaos before we even manage to help."

The German Federation Empire was Britannia’s important chess piece on the European Continent, mainly used to stop Austria from unifying the Germany Region. For this purpose, the London Government even promoted the Rhineland trade deal; it couldn’t be wasted so easily.

Edward smiled and said: "Direct involvement of the German people in the war is of course not feasible, but what if the Prusso-Polish Federation were to join the German Federation Empire?"

If this news got out, it would cause an earthquake across the entire European Continent, essentially upending the current international order.

The merger of the German Federation Empire and Prusso-Polish Federation would not be as simple as 1+1=2. With their strengths complementing each other and their final weaknesses covered, it meant the rise of another top-tier power after England, France, and Austria. n/ô/vel/b//in dot c//om

Although this new empire would be slightly less powerful than the big three, its comprehensive strength would exceed that of the Russian Empire, and winning this war would naturally not be a problem.

What’s crucial is that the post-war European landscape would undergo radical change, Austria’s German unification strategy would be shattered, and the French eastward expansion strategy would equally fail.

Prime Minister Benjamin shook his head: "That’s impossible; the Austrians would never agree. The Vienna Government would definitely send troops to intervene, unless you can get the French to contain them.

For the French, this is also a losing proposition. If it comes to that, the Paris Government would most likely choose to ally with Austria to partition the Central European Region."

In the face of interests, competitors and allies can also transform into each other. France and Austria have a history, and no one can guarantee they wouldn’t collaborate a second time.

Edward spoke firmly: "Man proposes, and God disposes. The rapid growth of France and Austria’s powers has been too fast; if this continues, one of them will have the capacity to threaten us.

If France and Austria join forces to partition the Central European Region, the war between France and Austria won’t be far off, and German nationalists will not allow the French to rule the Germany Region.

If handled properly, both France and Austria could be severely weakened, and the European situation can be reset back to the right track."

This was a plot, both covert and overt. Nationalism is a double-edged sword, capable of striking down enemies as well as harming oneself.

Benjamin asked again: "After the merger of Prussia and Germany, how would the issue of dominance be resolved?"

This was the most pragmatic issue. With the Prusso-Polish Federation being stronger, they certainly would not want to become a vassal; the same was true for the German Federation Empire, whose Emperor would not want to step down.

Edward: "Of course there would be no domination, but a continuation of the Holy Roman Empire’s Elective Prince system. Considering the current special circumstances, the Prusso-Polish Federation would need to make concessions, such as giving up the Imperial elections.

We do not need a powerful empire in Central Europe. The merged German Federation Empire would best be a loosely organized alliance with a certain level of strength.

A political system where the central power is weak and the sub-states are strong; individually formidable yet unable to integrate—that would contribute to stability in Europe.

Only such a country would be likely to be accepted by France and Austria. There’s no need to worry about the Berlin Government rejecting this; they simply do not have a choice."

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