Holy Roman Empire

While the Prusso-Russian negotiations were fraught with tension, another event that would influence the political landscape of Europe took place.

On May 15, 1881, Alexander II was assassinated in St. Petersburg. The time and place had changed, but the outcome had not.

It wasn’t that Franz’s butterfly effect wasn’t strong enough; the key issue was that Alexander II brought it upon himself, knowing full well he had offended so many yet still frolicked about everywhere.

Years earlier, Alexander II had already earned the media’s nickname of the ’King of Assassinations,’ due to the triple-digit assassination attempts against him.

Perhaps being targeted so frequently had desensitized him; Alexander II had grown accustomed to such a life and continued his willful ways, often appearing in public places.

Wandering in the dark often enough, one inevitably encounters ghosts. Alexander II had barely managed to win the war and had yet to enjoy the fruits of victory when he had to tragically leave the world.

Alexander II was dead, but the assassination case was far from over. The Tsarist Government had not given a clear answer about the killer.

The assassin was publicly identified as a member of the People’s Party; a claim that Franz, at least, would never believe, no matter if others did.

Surviving over a hundred assassination attempts, Alexander II’s security was undoubtedly excellent. Under normal circumstances, strangers approaching would definitely be intercepted by the guards.

To let an assassin get within a few dozen meters to throw a bomb, were the guards eating shit?

The fact that someone could divert the guards, creating an opportunity for assassination, clearly indicated internal involvement, possibly even by the Emperor’s confidants.

As for which faction was involved, that was beyond Franz’s ability to determine. Alexander II’s reforms had offended too many, and many prominent households had declined due to them.

As far as Franz knew, Alexander II had been preparing to launch a new round of reforms after the war, aiming to fundamentally change the Russian Empire.

Unsurprisingly, this would have touched the vested interests once again, and their backlash was understandable.

Even those who initially supported the reforms had turned against them once their own interests were jeopardized.

The victories on the battlefield, while enhancing Alexander II’s reputation, also pushed him towards hell. Those with vested interests were unwilling to continue with reforms, and a highly respected Tsar who favored reform had become a stumbling block for everyone.

No matter the reason, "regicide" was the last thing rulers could tolerate; as part of the interested elite, Franz was no exception.

"What do the Russians say, have they identified the murderer?"

Foreign Minister Weisenberg shook his head, "Not yet. All the evidence is currently pointing towards the Russians’ Will Party, but the Crown Prince Alexandrovich refuses to accept this result, and is using the threat of renouncing his succession as leverage.

The Tsarist Government is now also in turmoil, with many suspecting the work of the Conservatives, and both sides are fiercely at odds.

According to intelligence gathered by the embassy, there are many suspicious points in this assassination, for instance: the Guard Commander, responsible for Alexander II’s safety, committed suicide at home on the day of the incident.

The Guards tasked with protecting Alexander II’s carriage have, sequentially, committed suicide in prison, fearing guilt.

Moreover, Alexander II did not die on the spot after being attacked; it wasn’t until the following day that he passed away after unsuccessful medical treatment. A traffic accident occurred just as doctors were arriving, delaying the rescue attempt.

...

A son naturally could not let his father’s assassination go unavenged. It was inevitable for Alexandrovich to seek out the murderer.

But the investigation committee is intriguing; knowing all these suspicious points yet still pinning the murderer’s label on ’People’s Will,’ isn’t this insulting everyone’s intelligence?

If the Revolutionary Party had the power to extend its reach into the Tsar’s Guards, they would have already raised the standard of revolt rather than engage in low-tech assassination plots.

The series of subsequent guilt-driven suicides is even more nonsensical. Franz could understand a few individuals weighed down by guilt committing suicide. A whole group collectively committing suicide clearly indicates a cover-up.

With the dead, the leads are broken, and it certainly won’t be easy to pursue further investigations.

"Have the Foreign Ministry keep a close eye, but withhold comments for now. Order the police to arrest members of the People’s Party active within Austria immediately, and await further development in the case."

It’s a sensitive time, and Austria must avoid suspicion. Although no one would suspect Austria of involvement, it’s clearly not the right time to get involved.

Arresting members of the People’s Party is Franz’s way of publicly stating his position. Regicides, for whatever reason, must be severely punished.

The Russians’ Will Party wasn’t wrongly accused; even if they were used as a tool, it was still in their hands that Alexander II died.

The assassin had been caught and had even confessed, directly pointing to the People’s Party’s leadership, leaving them no opportunity to wash their hands of the affair.

The last assassination that shocked Europe resulted in the demise of the Kingdom of Sardinia and the once-powerful Italian Carbonari dissipated into smoke. Now, it was the Russian People’s Party’s turn.

Those with concealed identities were still better off, but those exposed were in trouble if they didn’t act quickly at this time.

No monarch in Europe, regardless of their standpoint, would tolerate regicides; it’s a matter of principle.

That was indeed the case. Simultaneously with Franz’s orders to apprehend members of the Russian People’s Party, monarchs around Europe also issued similar commands.

Whether they are caught is not important, as members of the Russian People’s Party are naturally within the Russian Empire. Very few had ventured outside.

Most countries did not have members of the Russian People’s Will Party; capturing them was merely a gesture everyone made to demonstrate their determination to fight against this evil organization.

Seemingly overnight, the Russian People’s Will Party became like rats crossing the street, forced to disappear from the world and hide in the shadows.

…

Alexander II was assassinated, and Wilhelm I had mixed feelings about it.

He was glad because with Russia in internal turmoil, they lacked the energy to entangle with them any further, meaning Prussia would pay a significantly lesser price in the upcoming negotiations.

He worried though that if the murderer was not conclusively identified, and if the blame were placed on them, the Kingdom of Sardinia would serve as a cautionary tale.

Considering that a failed assassination attempt had led to the annihilation of a nation, now that Alexander II was dead, if they were to be blamed, the Russians would hardly settle for anything less than their destruction.

Nothing could be ruled out before the dust settled. The Berlin Government was particularly zealous in its arrest of the People’s Party.

It was not just the People’s Party members that they captured; members of other Russian Revolutionary organizations were also seized by the Berlin Government. To prove his sincerity, Wilhelm I also took great pains.

In the Berlin Palace, Wilhelm I asked in a low tone, "Marshal, what do you mean by this?"

Looking at the resignation that Maoqi presented gave Wilhelm I an instant feeling of unease.

Maoqi replied bitterly, "Your Majesty, with the situation having developed to this point, the Kingdom of Prussia no longer needs a marshal. n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om

With Alexander II gone, the Tsarist Government will be preoccupied with sorting out internal affairs, and the likelihood of war breaking out again is almost nil.

I’d be an eyesore if I continued to stay. If I don’t leave now, I’d be driven out. Neither the Russians nor Hanover wants to see me remain in Prussia."

Sometimes being too capable is also a sin. Maoqi had stumbled into this taboo, with the Tsarist Government regarding him as a thorn in their side, and Hanover did not want to see him stay and compete for control of the military.

By taking the initiative to retire, he was, in fact, also trying not to put the Berlin Government in a difficult position, lest his personal reasons lead to an even more precarious situation for the Kingdom of Prussia.

Wilhelm I tried to persuade him, "But there is no need to give up everything, after retirement they will not..."

Maoqi shook his head, "Without a complete severance, George I will not rest assured. Moreover, we need to pay a bigger price for the Russians."

It wasn’t pride on Maoqi’s part but a fact. With Maoqi as a symbol, it would be difficult for Hanover to divide the Prussian Army, and naturally, George I would not rest until he had succeeded.

As for the Russians, it goes without saying. Maoqi’s glory was built upon a series of their defeats. How could the Russians be content without bringing him down?

If external troubles could still be resolved, then the internal ones were a matter of life and death. The military was bound to be suppressed after the war; with suppression came retaliation, and the infighting in the Kingdom of Prussia was certain to intensify.

As a leader of the military, Maoqi could not avoid this conflict as long as he remained in the country. He was old now, lacking the energy to get involved in the upcoming strife.

To avoid further troubles, Maoqi chose to use the opportunity provided by the defeat to give up his marshal’s title, publicly claiming he was disheartened and departing from the political whirlpool of Prussia.

It seemed like he was giving up the title of marshal, but it was actually retreating in order to advance, not only eliminating the impact of the defeat but also further establishing his glorious image in the eyes of the public.

Having thought through all of this, Wilhelm I did not continue to dissuade him. Not only did Maoqi the Marshal need to step down, but he, the King, would also abdicate.

His not abdicating now was because things had not yet settled. The Vienna Peace Conference would inevitably result in a humiliating treaty for the Kingdom of Prussia, and Wilhelm I did not want to pass this political stain on to his son.

Having failed to secure the nation, it was now time to strategize for himself.

These things, in fact, had been destined from the very beginning. If the gamble won, it would establish the Imperial foundation; if it lost, it would still leave one exceedingly wealthy.

In a sense, it was only Wilhelm I who had lost; Maoqi was still esteemed as having a successful career.

The defeat was primarily due to the great disparity in strength, not because the army was inept. A general who had always led successful campaigns was not responsible for a war lost due to overwhelming differences in power.

After reflecting for a while, Wilhelm I asked with concern, "Marshal, where do you plan to go after leaving Prussia?"

Maoqi shook his head, "I don’t know. I might travel the world and, when tired, settle down somewhere to consolidate my life’s experiences."

Wilhelm I hesitated, then seemed to make a decision, "You might consider Austria; the end of the Prusso-Russian war is only a prelude. The European Continent has never been tranquil."

Maoqi was startled by the implications of Wilhelm I’s suggestion. With a wealth of experience through many a storm, Maoqi quickly grasped the meaning.

"European royal families are one and the same," and that was no exaggeration. It was normal for Wilhelm I to have connections with the Austrian Royal Family; it would have been strange if he didn’t.

At this point, for the Hohenzollern Dynasty to maintain their throne, they undoubtedly needed Austrian support, and behind-the-scenes bargaining was only to be expected.

It was then that Maoqi realized how scalding the invitation he had received was.

"I will consider it carefully!"